ENOS.

The Applegate Trail, 1846: The Southern Road Through Modoc Country

In the late summer of 1846, a scouting party rode west out of the Humboldt to mark a new road into Oregon. The country they marked was already named. The lake the wagons would skirt was Modoc water, the river they would follow had Modoc villages along it, and the high plateau they crossed had held its people longer than any record the scouts carried could measure. The maps call what the Applegates did "opening a route." From inside the basin it looked plainer. Strangers were drawing a line across a country that was not theirs, and the line did not erase when they passed.

The Applegate Trail comes down to us as a settlers' problem solved. The last leg of the Oregon Trail, the descent of the Columbia from The Dalles, drowned people and wrecked outfits every autumn, and Jesse Applegate had buried a son in that river in 1843. The story usually stops there and lets the road stand as an act of mercy. It was that, for the people it carried. It was also a wagon road driven through the middle of Modoc territory, the Klamath Basin and Tule Lake and the Lost River, by men who did not ask and did not stay. The war that came to that country a generation later cannot be read without the road. So this piece begins where the standard account ends, with what the route actually crossed.

The country before the road

The plateau the Applegates crossed was Modoc country, worked and known in detail no emigrant could match. To call it empty, or a wilderness waiting to be improved, was to describe the settlers' wishes rather than the place. The Modoc lived around a connected system of water in a dry land: Tule Lake, Lower Klamath Lake, the Lost River that ran between them, the marshes that sheltered an enormous traffic of birds, and to the south the lava beds, a maze of black rock the people knew the way through and outsiders did not. Their year moved with that water. They took suckers from the rivers in spring, gathered the seed of the wokas lily from the marsh shallows, and traded across a wide reach of the interior. The knowledge of where the water was and when the fish ran was the working basis of a life, and it belonged to the people who held it. None of that registered as property to the men marking the road, which is part of how the road got marked.

Knowing a country in that way is a form of authority, and it does not look like the authority the emigrants recognized. The Modoc claim to the basin was carried in memory and in use, in the knowledge of where the suckers ran and which marsh gave up its wokas first, in the trails between camps and the names of the water and the rock. That knowledge was the labor of generations, and it was exact. A people who could read the seasons of a dry country closely enough to live well in it were not waiting to be shown how to use the land. The men marking the road measured the same ground by a single question, whether a wagon could get through, and the answer told them nothing about who already lived on it.

This is the gap the whole story turns on. To the scouts the basin was terrain, a set of problems in water and grade and distance to be solved on the way to somewhere else. To the Modoc it was home, the only home, and every part of it had a use and a season. Both descriptions were true at once, and only one of them would end up in the record. The road was drawn by people for whom the country was a passage, and it was drawn across the lives of people for whom it was the whole world. That difference, between moving through a place and belonging to it, sits under everything the trail set in motion.

The permanence of a road

The Applegate party marked a route, but a route is only a line until wagons make it a road, and a road is a durable thing. People had crossed this country before. Native travelers moved through it on their own paths, fur men had trapped its waters, and an army survey had come through the same year. Those were passages. They left, and the country closed over their tracks. A wagon road is a different order of mark. Ruts deepen with every train that follows them, water sources become expected stops, and the line begins to pull the next season's traffic toward itself. Once a road exists it tends to keep existing, because it is easier to follow a road than to break new ground. The Applegates set that process going through the middle of Modoc country, and once it was going it no longer depended on them.

That is why the distinction between an expedition and a road matters so much to what followed. An expedition is an event. It has a beginning and an end, and the people whose country it crosses can wait it out. A road is a standing invitation to everyone who comes after, most of whom will never know the names of the men who marked it and none of whom will have asked the people already living along it. The Modoc had absorbed visitors before and the country had held. What arrived after 1846 was a permanent channel aimed straight at their water, and a channel, once cut, carries whatever is poured into it.

The problem the road was built to solve

From the settler side the case for a southern route was real and the deaths were real. The main Oregon Trail brought emigrants up through what is now eastern Oregon to The Dalles, and there the easy ground ran out. The way down to the Willamette meant the Columbia, on rafts and in bateaux through rapids that took boats and lives, or else the new Barlow Road hacked over the Cascades in 1845, which was its own hard bargain. Emigrants who reached The Dalles late met the river in October with the weather turning. Oregon's provisional government wanted a road that came at the valley from below, through the Rogue and Umpqua, so the late and the unlucky would never have to gamble on the Columbia. In the spring of 1846 Jesse and Lindsay Applegate, with Levi Scott and a small party, set out to mark it. They called themselves the South Road Expedition, and they meant to have the route staked before that summer's wagons reached the choosing.

It is worth granting the settlers their motive in full, because the road is easier to understand once you do. The people who wanted a southern route were families who had already crossed a continent and did not want to lose what was left of their strength and their children on the last hard miles. Jesse Applegate had a personal reason written in the Columbia, and thousands of others had watched a river or a mountain take a piece of what they had brought west. A safer road into Oregon was a humane thing to want. The difficulty is that the humane want was aimed at a country that already belonged to someone, and no amount of good reason on the emigrant side changed what the road would do on the Modoc side. Both facts are true together, and the history only makes sense when they are held at once.

The South Road Expedition, 1846

The party rode east from the Willamette and struck the California Trail at the Humboldt River in present Nevada. From there the line they scouted, the road that would carry their name, turned northwest across the Black Rock country and onto the high northern Great Basin. It came into the Klamath Basin along the south side of Tule Lake, followed the Lost River drainage north, then bent west through the Cascade foothills toward the Rogue, the Umpqua, and home. On paper it answered the problem. The scouts found ground a wagon could cross and came back with markers for the season's trains. What they could not test was whether the route was survivable in autumn, with oxen that had already walked fifteen hundred miles and a season closing fast. The Applegates had ridden it light and ahead of the wagons. The first emigrants would answer that question with their own animals and their own lives.

There is something worth noticing in the very act of marking a route. To stake a road is to decide, on someone else's ground, that the ground is now a way to somewhere. The Applegate party carried the authority to make that decision only because the government they answered to had already assumed the country was open to be organized. They surveyed grade and water and forage, the practical questions of whether wagons could pass, and in doing so they treated the basin as a blank to be improved rather than a place with a life already in it. The survey was competent work. It was also an assertion, quiet and technical, that the future of this country would be settled by people who did not live in it.

The first wagons, autumn 1846

That fall a large body of emigrants turned off the California Trail onto the new southern road, and the crossing punished them. The route ran through some of the most unforgiving ground in the interior West, the long waterless reaches of the Black Rock and Smoke Creek deserts and then the high plateau of the Klamath Basin, where water came back but so did elevation, early snow, and exposed passes. Stock died of thirst and exhaustion. Wagons broke on the volcanic rock. People who had been told the southern road was safer came through it half-ruined and unsure they had chosen right. The late season worked against every party in 1846, and the survivors described a brutal passage. The road was real and it functioned, and it would take years of use and repair before it settled into something a family could count on. It was a hard road over hard country, and the country had owners.

The suffering of that first autumn is worth pausing on, because it shows how little the human cost weighed against the fact of the road. The crossing broke animals and outfits and nearly broke the people, and the survivors said so plainly. It changed nothing about the outcome. A road that half-ruins the trains that use it is still a road, and the next year's emigrants came anyway, and the year after that. The settlers read the disaster as a problem of repair and better guidance, and they set about improving the route. Read from the basin, the same season told a larger story, of a corridor being forced through an inhabited country at a cost that gathered on every side of it, and that reading had nowhere to go in the record the emigrants kept.

Through Modoc country: Tule Lake and the Lost River

The stretch along Tule Lake and the Lost River ran through the center of where the Modoc lived, the water their year was built around. The emigrants of 1846 were not the first outsiders to pass through. Frémont's column had been in the basin earlier that same year, and fur-trade parties before that. But an expedition moves on, and a wagon road does not. A road is a claim laid in the dirt, a statement that this ground is now a way through for someone else's purposes and that the traffic will keep coming. It brought what roads bring: livestock that ate the grass the game depended on, sickness, and settlers who would look at the basin and see land to file on. The Modoc could not have read the whole future off a line of wagons. They could read the near part of it well enough. Strangers were moving through in numbers now, season after season, acting as though the country were already half theirs.

It is easy to underestimate what the Modoc could see in a line of wagons, and easy to overstate it. They could not have read census figures or the government's intentions off a passing train. What they could read was the plain grammar of the thing. Strangers were coming through in growing numbers, on a fixed line, with animals that stripped the grass and left less for the game, and they came back the next season and the season after. People who live by close attention to a country do not need a treaty to tell them when its balance is tipping. The wagons were a message, repeated until it could not be mistaken, that the basin was now being entered on someone else's terms.

The killing that later fixed Tule Lake in American memory, the ambushes at the place settlers named Bloody Point, did not happen in 1846. That came in the early 1850s, after the California gold rush had swelled the traffic and years of intrusion had hardened into open war over the basin. By then the Applegate Trail was a known and crowded route, and the ground around Tule Lake had become one of the deadliest stretches of any emigrant road in the West. Those events ran downstream of the road cut in 1846. The trail set the conditions for them, and the cost gathered behind it year by year.

The road as an instrument of the record

Consider what a road does besides carry wagons. It writes. Every crossing that survived became a diary, a letter home, a line on a map redrawn to show the new southern route. The country filled up with description, and nearly all of it came from people passing through rather than from the people who stayed. The emigrants named what they saw, and their names held, so that the stretch of shore where Modoc fighters would later strike the wagon trains entered the American record as Bloody Point, a settler's name carrying a settler's memory of the danger. A road of this kind is also an engine of description. It generates the account of the country that the rest of the nation will read, and in the account the emigrants produced, the Modoc appeared mainly as a hazard on the way to somewhere better.

The map is the clearest example. Before the road, the basin sat in the interior as mostly blank space on the charts the nation used, known in detail only to the people who lived there and roughly to a few trappers and surveyors. After the road, a line ran through it, labeled and dated, tied to the places it connected. To be on the map in that way is to be claimed, quietly, as part of a system of routes and destinations that answers to distant purposes. The Modoc water became, on paper, a segment of a road between the Humboldt and the Willamette. The people who had organized their whole lives around that water did not appear on the map at all, except where later violence forced a place name into the margin.

This is the ground the novel stands on. The record of the American West was assembled largely by the people who were winning it, and it kept their journey, their hardships, their names for things. The people who lived in the country crossed that record mostly as obstacles, as danger, as a question of whether the way ahead was clear. A witness who moved through this world and belonged partly to both sides of it would have seen the record being made in real time, would have watched a country be turned into a route and its people into a line item in someone else's story of getting through. That double sight, the ability to see both the passage and the home it ran across, is what The Renegade Enos: Witness to the American West is after.

What the road meant, and what came of it

1846 was a year full of roads and claims the people living along them did not consent to. The same season the emigrants struggled across the Applegate Trail, Frémont's armed column turned south to help seize California and the conquest was being dressed in the language of destiny in Washington. The southern road belongs in that company. What set it apart is that no army cut it. Settlers did, with their own money and their own labor, because they had decided to live in Oregon and wanted a safer way in. That is closer to how the West was actually taken than any single battle, by the steady weight of ordinary people who had concluded the land was available and kept moving toward it until the moving became a fact on the ground no one who lived there had agreed to.

The pattern the road belongs to is worth naming, because it repeats across the West and it explains how a country changes hands without a single decisive moment. A road is cut for reasons everyone can defend. Traffic follows the road. Traffic wants grass and water and safety, which means it wants the very ground the people already there depend on. Friction follows the wanting, and the friction is read, by the newcomers and by the government behind them, as evidence that the original people are in the way. Then the machinery of removal has its excuse. Each step looks small and reasonable from the emigrant side, and the sum of the steps is the loss of a homeland. The Applegate Trail stands near the beginning of that sequence in the Klamath Basin, which is why it carries more weight than its traffic numbers alone would suggest.

The road was used hard into the 1850s. It never rivaled the main Oregon Trail and kept its reputation for misery, but it carried thousands of emigrants through the Klamath Basin and became a permanent line on the map. And the Modoc were still there. They were there in 1872 when the United States Army came to force them onto a reservation and a band under Kintpuash, the man the Americans called Captain Jack, held the lava beds south of Tule Lake against far larger forces for months. That war is often told as something that erupted out of nowhere. It did not erupt. It ran back through the removals of the 1860s, the gold-rush crowding of the 1850s, and behind all of it the wagon road of 1846, which first announced that Modoc country was now a corridor for someone else's migration. The Modoc did not vanish at the end of that story. They are a federally recognized people today, and the basin is still theirs in memory and in fact. The road was one early mark of the pressure that tried, and failed, to write them out of it.

That ground is part of what the novel The Renegade Enos: Witness to the American West is built on. A man who moved through this country in 1846, who knew the emigrant world and the Native world it was pressing on, would have watched the road being cut and understood enough of what it meant, even if he could not have known the exact shape of the reckoning still years off in the lava beds.

Sources & further reading

This is one of the pieces behind The Renegade Enos: Witness to the American West, a novel by H.L. Delaney, forthcoming from Basalt Sea Press. Get launch news →

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About the author. H.L. Delaney is a novelist and an enrolled member of the Klamath Tribes, with Modoc ancestry, the founder of Basalt Sea Press, and a recipient of the Calvino and Princemere prizes. His work returns to the Klamath Basin and the Native history of the American West. More about his work →