ENOS.

Ah Toy and the Chinese in Gold Rush California

The gold rush pulled people to California from every corner of the world, and it built a body of law and habit to sort them once they arrived. One of the people who arrived early was a Chinese woman the record calls Ah Toy. She ran her own business in San Francisco and carried her disputes into the American courts, at a time when the law was being written to keep people like her out of them.

Ah Toy reached San Francisco around 1849, among the first Chinese women in a city that was turning from a muddy settlement into a port for the whole Pacific world. Behind her came tens of thousands of Chinese men bound for the gold country. Around all of them, over the next few years, California assembled a structure of tax, exclusion, and violence. The Renegade Enos gives Ah Toy a chapter because her life runs straight into the question the book keeps asking. Who does the law protect, who does it mark as fair game, and whose word is allowed to count in a courtroom.

Gold Mountain

The Chinese who sailed for California in 1849 and the years just after had a name for the place. They called it Gold Mountain. Word of the strike on the American River had crossed the Pacific and landed in a part of southern China worn down by hard years, where a young man could reason that a few seasons in the diggings might set his family up for a generation. Most who came were men, most meant to return home, and most left villages in the counties around the Pearl River delta. They crossed on crowded ships, often in debt for the passage, and they came ashore in San Francisco by the thousand.

Many arrived under a credit ticket, the cost of the crossing advanced by a broker or a merchant and paid back out of the first gold a man dug. That debt shaped the early Chinese communities in California, tying newcomers to the merchants who had staked them and pushing them into the districts where a return could be earned fastest. They lived close together, kept to their own associations, and sent money home when they could. By the middle of the 1850s the Chinese were a large and settled presence in the mining counties and in San Francisco, and that visibility made them a standing target for the politics of the moment.

By the early 1850s the Chinese were among the largest groups of newcomers in the mining districts, and their numbers alone made them visible in a way that drew resentment. They worked claims that others had given up on, they worked them patiently and in company with one another, and they often drew gold out of ground that white miners had written off. Their success is a large part of what turned them into a target. The story California began to tell about the Chinese was that they were carrying off something that belonged to white men, and the state set about building that story into law.

Ah Toy in the courthouse

Ah Toy stands out from that crowd for a simple reason. Very little of the early Chinese experience in California survives in the immigrants' own words, and she left a trail through the courts. She had come from Canton, she was tall and striking by the accounts of the men who wrote about her, and she went into business for herself in the sex trade at a moment when San Francisco held almost no Chinese women at all. Within a few years she was one of the best known Chinese women in the city.

What earns her a chapter is the courthouse. Ah Toy used the American legal system again and again, first as a plaintiff and later as a defendant. The case most often remembered is an early one. Some of the men who paid her had settled their accounts with brass filings passed off as gold dust, and she took them to court over it. That story has been retold so many times that it has worn smooth, so the honest thing is to hold to what stays steady across the accounts. A Chinese woman, new to the country and working in a despised trade, walked into an American court to demand that she be paid what she was owed, and she did it more than once.

For a Chinese woman without citizenship, without the vote, and without the protection of a family network in the country, to use the courts at all was remarkable. She was betting that the law would treat her as a person with a claim, and for a short stretch of years the bet paid off often enough to be worth making. That she could do this is the part worth sitting with. In those same years, the law of California was moving to shut the courtroom door on people who looked like her. Her run of cases in the early 1850s reads now like a narrow window that was already closing while she used it.

A tax written for one people

The first wall the state built was money. In 1850 California passed a Foreign Miners' Tax that charged twenty dollars a month for the right to dig, a sum steep enough to force many foreign miners off their claims. It fell hard on Mexican and Latin American miners as well as the Chinese, and it was repealed the next year after it emptied whole districts and hurt the merchants who had sold to them.

In 1852 the legislature tried again with a new Foreign Miners' License Tax, set lower at first but collected month after month, and this time the weight of it came down on the Chinese. Collectors learned that Chinese miners were the surest people to squeeze, since a Chinese miner had little standing to resist if a collector charged him twice, or beat him, or simply took his gold. Over the years that followed, the tax on foreign miners brought in a large share of all the money the young state collected, and most of it came out of Chinese hands. A government that would soon refuse to hear the Chinese in court was glad to take their money.

Who was allowed to speak

The second wall was the record itself. In 1854 the California Supreme Court decided a case called People v. Hall. A white man named George Hall had been convicted of killing a Chinese miner, and the conviction rested on the testimony of Chinese witnesses. On appeal, the court threw the conviction out. California already had a statute barring Black people and Indians from testifying against a white person, and the court ruled that the Chinese fell under that bar as well. The reasoning the chief justice set down was frankly racial, grouping the Chinese with the peoples the law had already silenced.

The effect was plain. A Chinese man could be robbed, beaten, or killed by a white man in front of a dozen Chinese witnesses, and not one of them could say so in a court that would listen. It made the Chinese safe to prey on. It also drew a line that runs straight through the world of this novel, because the same statute the court stretched to cover the Chinese already covered Native people. Enos, a Native man, stood on the wrong side of that line from the start. The law that told Ah Toy's countrymen their word did not count was the law that had long told his people the same thing.

This is the part that reaches past the courtroom and into the archive. When a whole people is barred from testifying, the record of what was done to them is written almost entirely by others, by the men who taxed them and the men who attacked them and the officials who counted them. The Chinese of the gold rush enter the American record mostly as a problem to be managed, a number in a report, a line in a ledger of license fees. That is the same machinery this novel watches work on Native people across the West. The people who could have told the other side of the story were the people the law had decided did not count.

The wall of violence

Behind the tax and the testimony law stood the plainer force of the mob. Chinese miners were driven off good claims, their camps were burned, and men were robbed and killed with little fear of an answer. In the towns, Chinese quarters were set upon from time to time. The law and the violence fed each other. The law made the violence cheap by leaving the victims unable to testify, and the violence carried the law's message into the street. A people could be taxed for the right to work, shut out of the witness box, and attacked where they stood, and each of these told them the same thing about their place in California.

Ah Toy matters to this book because she pushed against all of it in the one arena the law was busy closing. She stood in front of judges and asked to be counted, in the years just before the courts decided her people could not be. Whatever the outcome of any single case, the act itself is the record she left. She insisted on speaking inside a system that was being tuned to ignore her, and that she managed it for a while is a measure of how early and how hard the door was still being pushed shut.

The Renegade Enos: Witness to the American West is a novel by H.L. Delaney, forthcoming from Basalt Sea Press, the conquest of the West at the eye level of the man it used and discarded. It moves through the same gold-rush country that made Ah Toy's San Francisco, and it keeps returning to the question her chapter sharpens. Who the law protects, who it targets, and who is allowed to speak in the record. More documented history sits behind the book at The History Behind the Novel, and the way California turned the gold rush into a hunt for a villain is told in How California Invented a Bandit. Get launch news →

Sources & further reading

  • May Jeong, "Ah Toy, Pioneering Prostitute of Gold Rush California," The New York Review of Books, June 19, 2020. nybooks.com
  • Judy Yung, Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco (University of California Press, 1995).
  • Ronald Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore: A History of Asian Americans (Little, Brown, 1989).
  • Iris Chang, The Chinese in America: A Narrative History (Viking, 2003).
  • "People v. Hall (1854)," Immigration and Ethnic History Society, Immigration History project. immigrationhistory.org

About the author. H.L. Delaney is a novelist and an enrolled member of the Klamath Tribes, with Modoc ancestry, the founder of Basalt Sea Press, and a recipient of the Calvino and Princemere prizes. His work returns to the Klamath Basin and the Native history of the American West. More about his work →